ONE AND DONE
After men in Spain got paternity leave, they wanted fewer kids
By Corinne Purtill & Dan Kopf
In
March 2007, Spain introduced a national policy granting most new
fathers two weeks of fully paid paternity leave. The policy proved
exceptionally popular, with 55% of men eligible in the first year opting
to take the paid time. The amount of leave covered by the program was
doubled in 2017 and expanded to five weeks in 2018, with additional increases expected between now and 2021.
Economists
studying the effects of the original 2007 policy examined what happened
to families that had children just before and just after the program
began, and found differences in the outcomes. While the early cohort of
men who were eligible for paternity leave were just as likely to stay in
the workforce as the men who weren’t eligible, they remained more
engaged with childcare after their return to work, and their partners
were more likely to stay in the workforce as well. In that sense, the
program seems to have done what policy makers would have hoped.
Unexpectedly,
though, the researchers also found that families who were eligible for
the paternity leave were less likely to have kids in the future. In a
study published in the Journal of Public Economics
(paywall), economists Lídia Farré of the University of Barcelona and
Libertad González of University of Pompeu Fabra estimate that two years
on, parents who had been eligible for the newly introduced program were
7% to 15% less likely to have another kid than parents who just missed
the eligibility cutoff. While the difference dissipated further into the
future, even after six years, parents who had been eligible for the
leave were still less likely to have a child again.
The researchers suggest an intriguing reason why.
After
paternity leave was instituted, surveys of Spanish men ages 21 to 40
showed they desired fewer children than before. Farré and González think
that spending more time with their children—or the prospect of having
to do so—may have made men more acutely aware of the effort and costs
associated with childrearing, and, as the researchers put it, “shifted
their preferences from child quantity to quality.”
At the same time, women started showing preferences for slightly larger families—perhaps a sign that having more children seemed more desirable with a slightly more equitable balance of labor at home.
As
the authors point out, it’s impossible to draw sweeping conclusions
from this observation of a single data point in a single country.
Correlation isn’t causation, and it’s possible that other factors
weighed more heavily than paternity leave on men’s family preferences.
(The global financial crisis, for example, hit Spain in full force about
a year after the leave policy was introduced.)
“There
are a couple of reasons that I’d be hesitant to believe that these same
impacts would apply elsewhere,” said David Evans, an economist at the
Center for Global Development. “In Spain, almost no men were taking
paternity leave before the policy, and that jumped to more than half of
men after the reform. At the same time, men in Spain wanted more
children than women did. That wasn’t the case in a number of other
European countries.”
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